Government and Politics

government. He argues that a high level of economic development encourages

both stability and democracy. Upset reached this conclusion after studying

50 nations and finding a high correlation between economic development and

certain forms of government.

Why should there be such a link? In a society with a high level of

development, the population generally tends to be urbanized and literate

and is better equipped to participate in decision making and make the views

of its members heard. In addition, as Upset suggests, a relatively affluent

society will be comparatively free from demands on government by low-income

citizens. Poor people in such nations can reasonably aspire to upward

mobility. Therefore, along with the large middle class typically found in

industrial societies, the poorer segments of society may have a stake in

economic and political stability.

Upset’s formulation has been attacked by conflict theorists, who tend

to be critical of the distribution of power within democracies. As we will

see later, many conflict theorists believe that the United States is run by

a small economic and political elite. At the same time, they observe that

economic stability does not necessarily promote or guarantee political

freedoms. Lipset (1972) himself agrees that democracy in practice is far

from ideal and that one must distinguish between varying degrees of

democracy in democratic systems of government. Thus, we cannot assume that

a high level of economic development or the self-proclaimed label of

"democracy" assures freedom and adequate political representation.

POLITICAL BEHAVIOR IN THE UNITED STATES

As American citizens we take for granted many aspects of our political

system. We are accustomed to living in a nation with a Bill of Rights, two

major political parties, voting by secret ballot, an elected president,

state and local governments distinct from the national government, and so

forth. Yet, of course, each society has its own ways of governing itself

and making decisions. Just as we expect Democratic and Republican

candidates to compete for public offices, residents of the Soviet Union are

accustomed to the domination of the Communist party. In this section, we

will examine a number of important aspects of political behavior within the

United States.

Political Socialization

Five functional prerequisites that a society must fulfill in order to

survive were identified. Among these was the need to teach recruits to

accept the values and customs of the group. In a political sense, this

function is crucial; each succeeding generation must be encouraged to

accept a society’s basic political values and its particular methods of

decision making.

Political socialization is the process by which individuals acquire

political attitudes and develop patterns of political behavior. This

involves not only learning the prevailing beliefs of a society but also

coming to accept the surrounding political system despite its limitations

and problems. In the United States, people are socialized to view

representative democracy as the best form of government and to cherish such

values as freedom, equality, patriotism, and the right of dissent.

The principal institutions of political socialization are those which

also socialize us to other cultural norms—including the family, schools,

and the media. Many observers see the family as playing a particularly

significant role in this process. "The family incubates political man,"

observed political scientist Robert Lane. In fact, parents pass on their

political attitudes and evaluations to their sons and daughters through

discussions at the dinner table and also through the example of their

political involvement or apathy. Early socialization does not always

determine a person’s political orientation; there are changes over time and

between generations. Yet research on political socialization continues to

show that parents’ views have an important impact on their children’s

outlook.

The schools can be influential in political socialization, since they

provide young people with information and analysis of the political world.

Unlike the family and peer groups, schools are easily susceptible to

centralized and uniform control; consequently, totalitarian societies

commonly use educational institutions for purposes of indoctrination. Yet,

even in democracies, where local schools are not under the pervasive

control of the national government, political education will generally

reflect the norms and values of the prevailing political order.

In the view of conflict theorists, American students learn much more

than factual information about our political and economic way of life. They

are socialized to view capitalism and representative democracy as the

"normal" and most desirable ways of organizing a nation. At the same time,

competing values and forms of government are often presented in a most

negative fashion or are ignored. From a conflict perspective, this type of

political education serves the interests of the powerful and ignores the

significance of the social divisions found within the United States.

It is difficult to pinpoint a precise time in which politics is

learned. Fred Greenstein argues that the crucial time in a young person’s

psychological, social, and political development is between ages 9 and 13.

In the same vein, one study found that children 13 and 14 years of age were

much more able to understand abstract political concepts than were children

a few years younger. Specifically, in response to a question about the

meaning of government, older children tended to identify with Congress,

whereas younger children identified with a more personal figure such as the

president. Other research, however, points to a significant leap in

political sophistication during the ages of 13 to 15.

Surprisingly, expression of a preference for a political party often

comes before young people have a full understanding of the political

system. Surveys indicate that 65 to 75 percent of children aged 10 and 11

express commitment to a specific political label, including "independent."

Political scientists M. Kent Jennings and Richard G. Niemi (1974) have

found that children who demonstrate high levels of political competence—by

understanding the differences between political parties and between liberal

and conservative philosophies—are more likely to become politically active

during adulthood.

Like the family and schools, the mass media can have obvious effects

on people’s thinking and political behavior. Beginning with the Kennedy-

Nixon presidential debates of 1960, television has given increasing

exposure to political candidates. One result has been the rising importance

of politicians’ "images" as perceived by the American public. Today, many

speeches given by our nation’s leaders are designed not for immediate

listeners, but for the larger television audience. In the social policy

section later, we will examine the impact of television on American

political campaigns.

Although television has obvious impact on elective politics, it has

also become an important factor in other aspects of American political

life. In 1987, when a joint congressional committee held televised hearings

on the Iran-contra scandal, Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North’s outspoken

testimony brought him a wave of public support. One effect of his media

success, though primarily in the short run, was an increase in support for

the "contras" and their effort to overthrow Nicaragua’s Marxist regime. By

contrast. Judge Robert Bork’s televised testimony before the Senate

Judiciary Committee in 1987 seemed to hurt his chances of winning

confirmation as a Supreme Court justice.

A number of communication studies have reported that the media do not

tend to influence the masses of people directly. Elihu Katz (1957)

describes the process as a two-step flow of communication, using an

approach which reflects interactionists’ emphasis on the social

significance of everyday social exchanges. In Katz’s view, messages passed

through the media first reach a small number of opinion leaders, including

teachers, religious authorities, and community activists. These leaders

"spread the word" to others over whom they have influence.

Opinion leaders are not necessarily formal leaders of organized groups

of people. For example, someone who hears a disturbing report about the

dangers of radioactive wastes in a nearby river will probably tell family

members and friends. Each of these persons may inform still others and

perhaps persuade them to support the position of an environmentalist group

working to clean up the river. Of course, in any communications process in

which someone plays an intermediate role, the message can be reinterpreted.

Opinion leaders can subtly transform a political message to their own ends.

Participation and Apathy

In theory, a representative democracy will function most effectively

and fairly if there is an informed and active electorate communicating its

views to government leaders. Unfortunately, this is hardly the case in the

United States. Virtually all Americans are familiar with the basics of the

political process, and most tend to identify to some extent with a

political party, but only a small minority (often members of the higher

social classes) actually participate in political organizations on a local

or national level. Studies reveal that only 8 percent of Americans belong

to a political club or organization. Not more than one in five has ever

contacted an official of national, state, or local government about a

political issue or problem.

The failure of most Americans to become involved in political parties

has serious implications for the functioning of our democracy. Within the

political system of the United States, the political party serves as an

intermediary between people and government. Through competition in

regularly scheduled elections, the two-party system provides for challenges

to public policies and for an orderly transfer of power. An individual

dissatisfied with the state of the nation or a local community can become

involved in the political party process in many ways, such as by joining a

political club, supporting candidates for public office, or working to

change the party’s position on controversial issues. If, however, people do

not take interest in the decisions of major political parties, public

officials in a "representative" democracy will be chosen from two

unrepresentative lists of candidates. In the 1980s, it has become clear

that many

Americans are turned off by political parties, politicians, and the

specter of big government. The most dramatic indication of this growing

alienation comes from voting statistics. Voters of all ages and races

appear to be less enthusiastic than ever about American elections, even

presidential contests. For example, almost 80 percent of eligible American

voters went to the polls in the presidential election of 1896. Yet, by the

1984 election, voter turnout had fallen to less than 60 percent of all

adults. By contrast, elections during the first half of the 1980s brought

out 85 percent or more of the voting-age population in Austria, Belgium,

Italy, Portugal, and Sweden.

Declining political participation allows institutions of government to

operate with less of a sense of accountability to society. This issue is

most serious for the least powerful individual and groups within the United

States. Voter turn out has been particularly low among younger Americans

and members of racial and ethnic minorities. In 1984, only 36 percent of

eligible voters aged 18 to 20 went to the polls. According to a

postelection survey, only 55.8 percent of eligible black voters and 32.6

percent of Hispanic reported that they had actually voted. Moreover, the

poor—whose focus understandably is on survival—are traditionally under-

represented among voters as well. The low turnout found among these groups

is explained, at least in part, by their common feeling of powerlessness.

Yet such voting statistics encourage political power brokers to continue to

ignore the interests of the young, the less affluent, and the nation’s

minorities.

Sociologist Anthony Orum notes that people are more likely to

participate actively in political life if they have a sense of political

efficacy—that is, if they feel that they have (he ability to influence

politicians and the political order. In addition, citizens are more likely

to become involved if they trust political leaders or feel that an

organized political party represents their interest. Without question, in

an age marked by the rise of big government and by revelations of political

corruption at the highest levels, many Americans of all social groups feel

powerless and distrustful. Yet such feelings are especially intense among

the young, the poor, and minorities. is a result, many view political

participation, including voting, as a waste of time.

Cross-national comparisons, while confirming he comparatively low

level of voting in the linked States, also suggest that Americans are more

likely than citizens of other nations to be active at the community level,

to contact local officials on behalf of themselves or others, and to have

worked for a political party. Perhaps this contrast reflects how unusual it

is for people to be directly involved in national political decision making

in the modem world. Nevertheless, it is possible to speculate that if tens

of millions of Americans did not stay home on Election Day— and instead

became more active in the nation’s political life—the outcome of the

political process might be somewhat different.

Women and Politics

In 1984, American women achieved an unprecedented political

breakthrough when Representative Geraldine Ferraro of New York became the

Democratic nominee for vice president of the United States. Never before

had a woman received the nomination of a major party for such high office.

Nevertheless, women continue to be dramatically underrepresented in

the halls of government. In 1988, there were only 23 women (out of 435

members) in the House of Representatives and only 2 women (out of 100

members) in the Senate. This is not because women have failed to

participate actively in political life. Eligible women vote at a slightly

higher rate than men. The League of Women Voters, founded in 1920, is a

nonpartisan organization which performs valuable functions in educating the

electorate of both sexes. Perhaps the most visible role of women in

American politics is as unpaid workers for male candidates: ringing

doorbells, telephoning registered voters, and carrying petitions. In

addition, wives of elected male politicians commonly play significant

supportive roles and are increasingly speaking out in their own right on

important and controversial issues of public policy.

The sexism of American society has been the most serious barrier to

women interested in holding public office. Female candidates have had to

overcome the prejudices of both men and women regarding women’s fitness for

leadership. Not until 1955 did a majority of Americans state that they

would vote for a qualified woman for president. Yet, as a 1984 national

survey revealed, Americans say they will support a woman running for office

only if she is by far the most qualified candidate.

Moreover, women often encounter prejudice, discrimination, and abuse

after they are elected. In 1979, a questionnaire was circulated among male

legislators in Oregon, asking them to "categorize the lady legislators"

with such labels as "mouth, face, chest/dress, and so forth".

Despite such indignities, women are becoming more successful in

winning election to public office. For example, there were 1176 women in

state legislatures in 1988, as compared with only 31 in 1921,144 in 1941,

and 301 in 1969. Not only are more women being elected; more of them are

identifying themselves as feminists. The traditional woman in politics was

a widow who took office after her husband’s death to continue his work and

policies. However, women being elected in the 1980s are much more likely to

view politics as their own career rather than as an afterthought. These

trends are not restricted to the United States.

A new dimension of women and politics emerged in the 1980s. Surveys

detected a growing "gender gap" in the political preferences and activities

of males and females. Women were more likely to register as Democrats than

as Republicans and were also more critical of the policies of the

Republican administration. What accounts for this "gender gap"? According

to political analysts, the Democratic party’s continued support for the

equal rights amendment may be attracting women voters, a majority of whom

support this measure. At the same time, virtually all polling data indicate

that women are substantially less likely than men to favor large defense

budgets and military intervention overseas; these policies have become more

associated with the Republican party of the 1980s than with the Democrats.

Politicians have begun to watch carefully the voting trends among

women, since women voters could prove decisive in dose elections. The

gender gap did appear to be a factor in the 1984 elections—though not as

significant a factor as some observers had expected. According to a poll by

ABC News, men supported President Ronald Reagan’s successful bid for

reelection by a margin of 63 to 36 percent. By contrast, 56 percent of

women voted for Reagan while 44 percent supported the Democratic ticket of

Walter Mondale and Geraldine Ferraro. In the 1986 elections, the ender gap

narrowed somewhat, yet apparently contributed to the victories of

Democratic senatorial candidates in at least nine states, four of them in

the south. For example, in Colorado, men supported Republican Ken Kramer

over Democrat Timothy Wirth by a 49 to 48 percent margin, yet Wirth was

elected because women preferred him by a 53 to 44 percent margin. By

contributing to these Democratic victories, women voters were an important

factor in the party’s 1986 takeover of e Senate.

Interest Groups

This discussion of political behavior has focused primarily on

individual participation (and non-participation) in the decision-making

processes of government and on involvement in the nation’s political

parties. However, there are other important ways that American citizens can

play a role in the nation’s political arena. Because of common needs or

common frustrations, people may band together in social movements such as

the civil rights movement of the 1960s or the anti-nuclear power movement

of the 1980s. Americans can also influence the political process through

membership in interest groups (some of which, in fact, may be part of

larger social movements).

An interest group is a voluntary association of citizens who attempt

to influence public policy. The National Organization for Women (NOW) is

considered an interest group, so, too, are the Juvenile Diabetes Foundation

and the National Rifle Association (NRA). Such groups are a vital part of

the American political process Many interest groups (often known as

lobbies) are national in scope and address a wide variety of political and

social issues As we saw earlier, groups such as the American Civil

Liberties Union (ACLU), Common Cause, the American Conservative Union, and

Christian Voice were all actively involved in the debate over the

nomination of Judge Robert Bork for the Supreme Court.

Typically, we think of interest groups as being primarily concerned

with regulatory legislation However, as political scientist Barbara Ann

Stolz (1981) points out, even the federal criminal code has become a target

for interest-group activity Business groups have sought to strike the

"reckless endangerment" provision that, in effect, makes it a crime for a

business to engage knowingly in conduct that will imperil someone’s life

Business interests have also attempted to broaden the criminal code to

include certain types of incidents that occur during labor disputes,

unions, by contrast, wish to maintain current laws.

Interest groups often pursue their political goals through

lobbying—the process by which individuals and groups communicate with

public officials in order to influence decisions of government. They also

distribute persuasive literature and launch publicity campaigns to build

grass roots support for their political objectives Finally, interest

groups, through their political action committees, donate funds to

political candidates whose views are in line with the groups’ legislative

agendas.

The role of interest groups within the American political system has

generated intense controversy, particularly because of the special relation

ships that exist between government officials and lobbyists for interest

groups The widespread nature of these ties is evident from the number of

former legislators who, after retiring or losing bids for reelection,

immediately go on the payroll of interest groups In 1985, there were 300

former lawmakers and former high-level White House officials parlaying

their governmental experience into profitable new careers as Washington

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